Tuesday, May 29, 2012

FOXNews.com: Do you agree with Texas judge's decision to jail honor student?

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Do you agree with Texas judge's decision to jail honor student?
May 29th 2012, 16:00

Criticism mounts over Houston-area Judge Lanny Moriarty's decision to make an example of Diane Tran and jail the 11th-grade honors student for missing school — though she did so to work two jobs to support two siblings. A Texas attorney tells FoxNews.com that the judge likely had no discretion because the state's Compulsory Education Laws requires confinement of truants for 24 hours.

Do you agree with Texas judge's decision to jail truant honors student?

This is a non-scientific viewer question.

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FOXNews.com: Should the US intervene in Syria?

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Should the US intervene in Syria?
May 29th 2012, 20:12

The question of US intervention in Syria became more urgent over the weekend in light of the apparently execution style murders of more than 100 people, as many as 40 of them children.  How could it be otherwise, especially after one has seen the images of the tiny bodies wrapped for burial or worse, the images of those same bodies absent the wrappings, in all of their graphic clarity?  

Unless one's heart is made of stone, the sense that "we must do something, and do it now" is unavoidable.  In fact, the sense that now may be a time for US military intervention was voiced by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Martin Dempsey who told Congress that escalating atrocities in Syria could trigger a military response.  

Going even further, Arizona Sen. John McCain, referring to lack of US military involvement, called this "a shameful moment in US history…an abdication of everything America stands for and believes in."  

While I share Senator McCain's sense of moral outrage about current events in Syria, I wonder about the "shamefulness" of our (in)actions and the supposed betrayal of our national values.

Were America to spend blood and treasure in Syria, what would be the result?  Even were we successful in deposing Bashar Assad, would he be replaced by a less repressive regime or simply one which practiced the same governance style, albeit with a new set of victims?  

As the conflict in Syria is fueled as much by competing understandings of Islam, Sunni vs. Shia, as it is about anything else, there is little reason to assume that the side we would presumably be helping would, when in power, be any more in line with the American values which demanded, in McCain's view, that we support them to begin with.

There is no doubt that what is transpiring in Syria today is not only heartbreaking, but repugnant.  And there is no doubt that if the United States could truly help, we should.  But as General Dempsey went on to tell Congress, "There is no template."

"You'll always find military leaders to be somewhat cautious about the use of force, because we're never entirely sure what comes out on the other side," General Dempsey said.  And that is the real lesson in all this.

Moral outrage is actually a relatively cheap and easy emotion, even when it is entirely sincere as I have no doubt it is when expressed by Sen. McCain.  But the ethical searching and uncertainty that is known to any wise warrior who must not only stir his audience but wield deadly force and put his own people in harm's way – that is the voice that needs to guide the current debate.

We should heed no call to arms that ignores that price.  Precisely because we are a good and decent people, our sense of moral outrage is relatively easy to provoke.  It's something about which we, as a nation, should be proud.  But it is also something about which we must be careful.
The United States is the most powerful nation in the world, and also one of the most moral, but the exercise of our power, our moral conscience or both, comes at a very dear price – one which needs to be fully acknowledged before any action is taken.  

Perhaps the time has come for greater military intervention in Syria, but not without a clear sense of what could be realistically achieved, and what the potential costs really are. 

Neither the map of those outcomes, nor the costs necessitated by their achievement, has been demonstrated.  Until they are, we have no business entering the conflict in Syria.  If and when they are, it will be time to revisit the question, but not until then.

Sen. McCain invoked Memorial Day as the appropriate time to get more involved in Syria.  But one could just as easily invoke it as a reason to say out.  

The first argument remembers the causes for which those fallen heroes gave their lives, and perhaps Syria is indeed one of those causes. 

The second argument remembers the individuals whose lives were actually lost in those conflicts and shudders at the enormity of that cost, no matter how justifiable it may be.  A wise, and truly ethical, response to events in Syria will factor in both of those arguments before any decisions are made.

Rabbi Brad Hirschfield is the author of "You Don't Have to Be Wrong for Me to Be Right: Finding Faith Without Fanaticism," and president of Clal-The National Jewish Center for Learning and Leadership.

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FOXNews.com: MSNBC's Chris Hayes' sorry pre-Memorial Day attack on military is no surprise

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MSNBC's Chris Hayes' sorry pre-Memorial Day attack on military is no surprise
May 29th 2012, 17:35

Conservatives have long complained the left doesn't like the military. MSNBC's Chris Hayes, host of "Up with Chris Hayes" and an editor at the liberal journal The Nation, served as a vivid reminder of that theme this past weekend when he got into trouble for criticizing U.S. troops during a discussion of Memorial Day. 

Hayes told his audience on Sunday, May 27 that he was "uncomfortable" with referring to "war dead" as "heroes." As evident by the "ums" and "ahs," Hayes was clearly trying to be politically correct in his comment. Instead, he expressed a typical left-wing sentiment: "I feel comfortable, ah, uncomfortable, about the word because it seems to me that it is so rhetorically proximate to justifications for more war."

The term "tone deaf" doesn't even begin to describe how out of touch Hayes appeared on the eve of a holiday designed to honor the military's fallen. 

Not long after VFW National Commander Richard DeNoyer called Hayes out for "his obvious disregard for the service and sacrifice of the men and women," Hayes apologized.

Hayes went from stupidity to "truly sorry" in one day, trying hard to keep a weekend news story from creeping into the weekly news cycle. On the "Up with Chris Hayes," website he wrote:

"But in seeking to discuss the civilian-military divide and the social distance between those who fight and those who don't, I ended up reinforcing it, conforming to a stereotype of a removed pundit whose views are not anchored in the very real and very wrenching experience of this long decade of war." 

The Hayes comment posed a danger to Team Obama, which is already struggling to get veterans to support the president's reelection campaign. On the same day as Hayes issued his apology, The Christian Science Monitor was reporting that Romney "has a big lead over incumbent Barack Obama among vets – 58 percent to 34 percent, according to new Gallup survey."

President Obama wants to chip away at that lead. He even used Memorial Day to honor Vietnam Veterans and mark the 50th anniversary of the beginning of the war. He told veterans how "some Americans turned their backs on you." 

Obama tried to stay on the lefty message that is now allegedly pro-troops. 

He told a crowd at the Vietnam Memorial on Monday, May 28, that: "You came home and were sometimes denigrated when you should have been celebrated. It was a national shame, a disgrace that should have never happened."

But who "denigrated" those soldiers? It certainly wasn't conservatives who have long been pro-military. It was the very hardcore lefties who both back Obama and form the press corps that gives him enormous support. 

As the election approaches, you can bet that liberals will try to hide that reality. 

But it's not like Hayes was the only one who was using this holiday weekend by showing typical liberal discomfort for the military. 

Liberals used this Memorial Day for everything from bashing the military to urging cuts in defense spending to discussing the "war on cancer" or the "war on gays." 

Writing for the lefty site Commondreams.org, Jennifer Browdy de Hernandez said "Let's De-Militarize Memorial Day." She urged Americas to honor everyone who has died, saying: "Let's take Memorial Day back from the military." The website says that De Hernandez "teaches comparative literature and gender studies with an activist bent at Bard College." 

That's a shock. 

Former Clinton Labor Secretary Robert Reich took the holiday as a time to talk about shrinking the military. "We can best honor those who have given their lives for this nation in combat by making sure our military might is proportional to what America needs," he wrote on May 26.

Yes, honor the best military in the world by cutting it back and making its job impossible. 

And, even on Memorial Day, the left can't avoid discussing the gay agenda. 

Long-time New York Times foreign correspondent Chris Hedges' Memorial Day offering focused not on the wars around the world but on the "War on Gays." One person quoted in the story told readers: "Married gays in the military are miserable." 

Because that's the big issue on Memorial Day? 

Though some lefties conceal it better, this is the same kind of sentiment that had the folks from Code Pink protesting wounded soldiers at Walter Reed in 2005. The Code Pink supporters are simply so far to the left that they can't hide their disdain for the military. 

Despite all that, the United States of America remains a nation fighting foreign wars in Afghanistan and elsewhere. But back home, it's still the left fighting the war against our military. 

Dan Gainor is the Boone Pickens Fellow and the Media Research Center's Vice President for Business and Culture. His column appears each week on The Fox Forum. He can also be contacted on Facebook and Twitter as dangainor.

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FOXNews.com: The war in Afghanistan is far from over

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The war in Afghanistan is far from over
May 29th 2012, 16:50

After placing a wreath on the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, President Obama took special note in his Memorial Day remarks that the war in Afghanistan was "winding down" and our troops were on their way "home." This has been a constant refrain of the president for the past month. 

On May 1st from Kabul, President Obama hailed the signing of a Strategic Partnership Agreement with Afghanistan as marking "a future in which the war ends, and a new chapter begins." 

He repeated this theme at the Chicago NATO Summit, saying that as American and coalition forces complete the transition of handing over responsibility for Afghan security to Afghan forces next year, the "Afghan war as we understand it is over." Even though the Taliban have not been defeated and Afghan remains far from stable, the Obama administration has reportedly been seeking what they call an "Afghan good enough" solution.

The president's emphasis on ending the war, as opposed to winning it, perhaps comes as no surprise to conservatives now but it certainly stands in marked contrast to what many of us took to be his seriousness to fight the "right" war in 2009 in the right way. That year, Obama twice ordered troop increases, resulting in U.S. force levels reaching 100,000 and, equally important, signaled his commitment to undertake a serious counterinsurgency campaign in key areas of the country.

Of course, there was reason at the time to doubt his fortitude. The president kept "the surge" numbers to the bare minimum recommended by Gen. Stanley McChrystal, the commander of U.S. and coalition forces in Afghanistan at the time, and announced an arbitrary date of July 2011 for the start of their return home.

Those doubts grew when Obama then ordered that the drawdown be completed by September 2012, a date obviously dictated by political, not strategic calculations. And now, in conjunction with our NATO allies, the administration has decided to turn over primary responsibility for security to Afghan forces in mid-2013 rather than the previously decided handover in 2014.

With this sped up withdrawal, combined with recent reports that the president never fully backed his own strategy, it's important to remember that it was not just the moral clarity of punishing those who had attacked us on 9/11 that drove us to aim high. The United States was confronted by a fundamentalist strain of Islam that emerged from the ideological cesspool that was Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. It was a common belief at the time that the terrorist threat could not be addressed without addressing Afghanistan's core problems.

President Obama's drawdown strategy formally aims to maintain a stable Afghan state. But there are significant questions about the willingness of America and our allies to continue to stay engaged with a frustratingly inchoate Afghan political system given the significant diplomatic and financial support that will be required well beyond 2014.

And there are just as many questions about the level of American and allied military support the Afghans can count on past that date. While the recently signed Strategic Partnership Agreement commits the United States to a long-term presence in Afghanistan, its terms are vague enough that the Obama administration has left itself plenty of room to maneuver.

Moreover, several aspects of the agreement actually undermine our strategic posture in South Asia in the coming decades. Just as the American military's withdrawal from Iraq empowered Iran, the administration's pledges under the agreement to forgo "permanent military facilities," ensure that its military presence is not "a threat to Afghanistan's neighbors," or use "Afghan territory or facilities as a launching point for attacks against other countries," cannot help but reduce our strategic leverage with Iran.

Nor can it be said that a reduced U.S. presence in Afghanistan will increase Pakistani stability—which reportedly the President believes is the greater threat to American interests. How will Pakistani stability be increased by a weak and potentially failing state on its border?

Afghanistan does not exist in a vacuum. Failure in Afghanistan also will have implications in regions outside of Central Asia. America's allies and partners from the Middle East to East Asia are closely watching to see whether we will prematurely abandon our Afghan allies.

For example, a key element to our "pivot" to Asia is developing long-term strategic ties to India. But Indians will be watching closely how Afghanistan goes not only because a chaotic Afghanistan can create even more tension with Pakistan but because it will be a signal of Washington's own lack of strategic seriousness. As Indian scholar Harsh Pant wrote last year, "New Delhi has been contemplating the impact of a U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan for while. If the U.S. left lock, stock and barrel, India would be left to pick up the pieces."

In the near future, Afghanistan will not be a Westernized democracy a la Switzerland, but if the hard fought gains of the last two years can be sustained and expanded, rather than abandoned, we can help ensure that a functioning Afghan state does not harbor threats, but is actually a net positive on America's strategic ledger. But for that to happen, we have to be clear to ourselves, Afghans, and our allies that this is not a war that is over and that an "Afghan good enough" strategy is not likely to be good enough for America.

Jamie M. Fly is executive director of the Foreign Policy Initiative. Gary Schmitt is director of the Marilyn Ware Center for Security Studies at the American Enterprise Institute.

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FOXNews.com: The Law of the Sea Treaty could strengthen our national security, not harm it

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The Law of the Sea Treaty could strengthen our national security, not harm it
May 29th 2012, 15:00

The Senate is currently debating ratification of the Law of the Sea Convention, a little known treaty governing international waterways. Some Republicans have opposed the Treaty, claiming it is unnecessary (since it mainly codifies the rights we currently enjoy), and a threat to our national security (because it will tie the Navy's hands and cede our sovereignty to foreign tribunals). 

These national security concerns are legitimate, but mostly unfounded. Joining the Law of the Sea Convention is a rare opportunity to sign onto an international agreement that has numerous benefits and very few liabilities. And that's why numerous Democrats and Republicans continue to support it. 

President George W. Bush was a strong advocate for signing the treaty. Many of his top diplomatic and military officials, including Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte and Deputy Secretary of Defense Gordon England, stated that joining the Convention would have little practical effect on the rights we currently enjoy. For example, our ships already have the right of free transit, our government has control over our coastal economic zones, and we have the right to enact environmental protections over our maritime zones. 

The Law of the Sea convention is a low-risk opportunity to demonstrate our commitment to global leadership, international law, and multilateralism without altering many of our current practices.

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The Convention is a low-risk opportunity to demonstrate our commitment to global leadership, international law, and multilateralism without altering many of our current practices. Joining the Convention will give us credibility when we call on other nations to follow international legal standards. And it will blunt the negative reaction we receive for taking actions opposed by the international community. 

For example, joining the Convention could lessen the negative impact of our repudiation of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The United States was correct in refusing to submit to the ICC's jurisdiction. But our opposition to the Court has perpetuated our image as a country that rejects international standards while calling for other countries to adhere to them. 

By signing agreements such as the Sea Convention, we can argue that our policy on the ICC is the exception rather than the rule. And joining the Convention will build up goodwill for times when we may need to buck the international community in the future (in Syria and Iran, for example). 

Joining the Convention will also provide some new benefits to the United States. 

First, it will give us a legal forum to turn to if other countries violate our existing rights on the high seas. 

Second, it will give us a seat at the bargaining table to shape future ocean and coastal region policy. China is already a party to the Convention, and it will have an oversized impact on shaping future policy if the United States doesn't serve as a counterbalance. 

Finally, the Convention provides us with a legal forum to thwart China's policy of territorial expansion in Asia. 

Critics of the Convention, including numerous Republican Senators and legal scholars such as Jack Goldsmith, fear that submitting our actions to the review of an international tribunal will weaken our national security, our military, and our sovereignty. 

These arguments are not convincing. 

First, military actions are explicitly exempted from the Convention. 

Second, even if the tribunals tried to intervene in military actions, they could only do so after the fact. The tribunals, for example, cannot stop the U.S. from seizing a ship with suspected nuclear supplies; they can only criticize our actions afterwards. 

Finally, if other countries unfairly use these tribunals to attack American hegemony and try to restrict our military rights (as in the nuclear scenario above), we can always withdraw from the Convention. This is an important point that the treaty's supporters have failed to note. 

If the worst fears of the Convention's critics come to bear, the president has the power to withdraw from the treaty. And if the treaty was being abused to thwart America's interests, that's what any responsible president, Republican or Democrat, would do. 

Republicans have also raised significant concerns about the treaty's economic consequences, notably its tax and redistribution scheme and the mandatory sharing of technology. These are valid concerns, and supporters of the treaty must do a better job to either assuage these fears, renegotiate portions of the treaty, or agree to submit formal reservations that would prevent these consequences. 

But on national security matters, fear of the future is not a reason to reject all of the immediate benefits we would receive from joining the Convention on the Law of the Sea. Republicans should give it a chance and ratify the treaty.

David Meyers is a New York-based political commentator, lecturer, and consultant. From 2006-09, he worked in the West Wing of the White House, and was later a speechwriter in the United States Senate. For more, visit his website: DavidRossMeyers.com.

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FOXNews.com: Congress needs to tell Law of the Sea Treaty to get lost

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Congress needs to tell Law of the Sea Treaty to get lost
May 29th 2012, 15:00

The American political system is still coming to grips with the loss of sovereignty resulting from the START treaty, rammed through the last Congressional lame duck session.

Flush with enthusiasm at how well that worked out, the Senate leadership is now repeating the pattern. 

Last Wednesday, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee held a one-sided hearing addressing the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea or, as it is more commonly known, the "Law of the Sea Treaty" (LOST).

LOST has been around in various forms for decades. When it was first completed in 1982 President Ronald Reagan refused to sign it, citing provisions that were contrary to U.S. long term strategic and economic interests. 

After a series of revisions, President Bill Clinton enrolled the U.S. in the treaty in 1994 but the United States Senate has, to date, failed to ratify it as the U.S. Constitution requires.

The Senate now taking the first step down the path toward another attempt at ratification. Led by Massachusetts Democrat Sen. John F. Kerry, it featured testimony from Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta and Gen. Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, all of whom want the Senate to give its stamp of approval to LOST. 

No one who opposes the treaty was invited to appear.

Moreover the ideological single-mindedness on this issue between recently-defeated but still-serving Indiana Sen. Richard Lugar, the ranking Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and Sen. Kerry, the chairman, meant the hearing was devoid of balance. 

Another legislative ram job seemed about to occur, even though even thought the LOST supporters don't seem to understand the threat that it poses to American sovereignty. That is, until Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) began to challenge Secretary Clinton on some of the fine points of the treaty. 

Clinton came off as flustered and ill-informed, as it became clear to even the casual observer that the freshman Utah Republican had delved quite deeply into the treaty and its sovereignty implications, while she was captive to her talking points.

People are, for example, seemingly unaware that the treaty contains a backdoor tax increase on U.S. businesses that would be used to fund the operations of the international organization charged with overseeing it and could force America into the a Kyoto-style "cap and trade" system that would further damage the nation's industrial productivity and move U.S. government funds offshore to yet another international body.

Oklahoma Republican Sen. James Inhofe – another treaty opponent – pointed out during the hearing that, according to a "conservative" estimate by the U.S. Extended Continental Shelf Task Force, the United States would transfer $70 billion to the International Seabed Authority, the organization charged with overseeing LOST.

The politics of the issue are clear. 

The internationalists, joined by the environmentalists, many in the business community and those who support the redistribution of global wealth are for it. 

Those who see a militarily and economically strong United States as the best guarantor of political freedom and opportunity are against it. 

Lee, Inhofe and South Carolina Republican Sen. Jim DeMint are showing real leadership in opposing LOST's ratification along with a handful of their colleagues who have studied what is in the treaty and gone on record against it.

So, too, at least in the only fashion available to it, has the U.S. House of Representatives, which constitutionally has no role in the treaty process but does control the nation's purse strings. It recently approved an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 offered by South Carolina Rep. Jeff Duncan and Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan that would ban federal funds from being use to implement the treaty if the Senate chooses to ratify it.

The Duncan-Jordan Amendment is a much needed "shot across the bow" against LOST.

Wanting to secure peace is an admirable sentiment, but not at the expense of U.S. naval superiority. 

Ratification of LOST would produce a forceful change in American policy dating back over two centuries that holds that a strong United States Navy is the best guarantor of freedom of the seas. 

Under LOST, the responsibility for preserving freedom of the seas would be relegated to a United Nations body whose mission is to resolve conflicts before they become shooting wars.

Let's just say we've been down that road before, and it did not lead to peace.

During the period between the First and Second World Wars, the global powers developed a series of treaties intended to prevent war. Beginning with the Treaty of Versailles, which ended World War I, to a series of naval weapons limitation treaties, the United States, Japan, and the European powers placed their hopes for peace on a set of agreements that were supposed to produce a balance of naval power that would virtually guarantee the signatories would not go to war.

As history demonstrates, those efforts were futile. 

The democratic states abided by them while the dictatorships in Germany, Italy and Japan did not. They cheated in ways that were fully apparent -- but the world turned a blind eye to their dishonesty. This left the democracies at a distinct disadvantage and ill-prepared when war eventually came.

Peace, as Ronald Reagan famously said, is best secured through strength. Placing our trust in international agreements governed by bureaucratic global bodies whose representatives may not adhere to democratic values is to risk disaster. 

The Law of the Sea Treaty, as an effort to police the maritime waterways and establish a code of behavior, harkens back to the agreements that gave cover to those whose belligerence eventually led to the Second World War. 

America must rely upon itself, not international bodies under the United Nations.

Is it not foolish to believe, as Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta suggests, that Senate ratification of the treaty would produce a change in the behavior of the Chinese or the navy of any other ambitious country seeking to enlarge its power? 

As its supporters point out, the terms of the treaty have been in force for nearly a decade, yet the Chinese, who are signatories, are even now behaving in ways that run counter to its restrictions. Why should the U.S. make itself a full party to a treaty the Chinese ignore when it is in their interest to do so?

Sen. Kerry has promised additional hearings will be held at which time LOST's opponents will be able to make their case. He also suggested that no vote on ratification would come before the November election, which sounds a lot like the health care bill or the newest START treaty all over again. 

To assume that LOST would secure "freedom of the seas" better than a strong U.S. Navy, as the Obama administration now seems to be saying in its argument in favor of ratification, is a naïve and dangerous proposition, a choice that this former Navy officer thinks the nation should not make. 

The Senate should reject the treaty if it comes up for a vote on the Senate floor, whether in the regular or a lame duck session.

Colin Hanna is president of Let Freedom Ring, a Pennsylvania-based public policy organization.

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FOXNews.com: What the 2012 presidential race needs to be about

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What the 2012 presidential race needs to be about
May 29th 2012, 14:08

Mitt Romney is expected to clinch the Republican nomination tonight and he will no longer be known as his party's "presumptive" nominee.  By tomorrow it will likely be official -- the 2012 presidential race will be a contest between Barack Obama and Mitt Romney.

The 2012 presidential election should be fought over the future.   

To me, the whole argument that has been taking place over Bain Capital is absurd.

Notwithstanding criticism from fellow Democrats like Newark Mayor Corey Booker, the Obama campaign is proceeding with its effort to paint Mitt Romney as a job-destroying corporate predator during his years at Bain Capital, who was concerned solely on making huge profits for the firm and his colleagues, even if companies they had acquired failed and blue-collar workers lost jobs.

The last thing our country needs right now is a presidential election that is fought over Bain Capital.

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The Obama campaign has increasingly sought to make Mitt Romney's tenure at Bain Capital a focal point of the campaign is using its recently launched website Romneyeconomics.com to portray "Romney's private sector record" as being marred by "communities abandoned," "profiting from debt," "bankruptcy and bailouts," and "profit at any cost." The site features web videos that allege that Bain's record includes hundreds of lost jobs — including at a Kansas City steel company called GST, an Indiana paper products company called Ampad, and a clothing store chain called Stage Stores.

Meanwhile, the Romney campaign and its surrogates have responded by arguing that the failing companies listed above would have failed even faster, had it not been for Bain.

The debate over Bain Capital and how many jobs it protected  vs. created is absurd. Indeed, it makes no earthly sense, and it misses the larger and more important point that private equity plays an integral role in our capitalist economic system.  

Not only is private equity part of capitalism, it is key to sustaining businesses in order to  protect jobs – much less create them.   

The last thing our country needs right now is a presidential election that is fought over Bain Capital.  

The questions that we should be asking are: Which candidate is going to create jobs in the future?  Which candidate has a tangible and comprehensive plan to stimulate the economy?  Which candidate is going to balance the budget? Which candidate will restore American competitiveness?  

To have the candidates debating the past endlessly and seeking to foist blame and point fingers, rather than debate solutions for the future speaks to why we are a nation on the decline.    

Why is it that we as a nation cannot have a dialogue that is worthy of distinction?  

Douglas E. Schoen is a political strategist, Fox News contributor, author of the new book, "Hopelessly Divided: The New Crisis in American Politics and What it Means for 2012 and Beyond" (Rowman and Littlefield). Follow Doug on Twitter @DouglasESchoen.

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